It was disappointing, but not much of a surprise, when one
of the American network correspondents summarized the huge prayer gathering in Jerusalem
as an attempt by ultra-orthodox extremists to end democratic rule in Israel and replace it
with a Teheran-style theocracy.
Let's forgive a few of the errors. We will not dwell on the fact that all groups of
Israel's religious community - national/religious, Sephardic - fully participated, not
just the haredim. So he wan't as astute as one of his colleagues who observed, "It
was the kind of display of unity that led one to wonder whether the Messiah wasn't near,
when a Gur and a Satmar hassid were seen rushing together bringing a chair for Bnei Akiva
Rabbi Haim Druckman."
We will forgive the myopia that ignored the beauty and inspiration of the moment. How
he missed the irony in such a unified statement of life's purpose by hundreds of thousands
of Israel's citizens, while so many other Israelis struggle to find themselves. That he
was not touched by the difference between the joyful Shma Yisrael recited in
unison, and the carnival atmosphere at the counter-demonstration, which could find nothing
to celebrate other than what they opposed, not what they stood for.
We will overlook the fact that the behavior of between three and five hundred thousand
supposedly fundamentalist zealots was exemplary, with no violence and no arrests. Imagine
a fraction of that number at a soccer match or rock concert in Tel Aviv. For that matter,
imagine a Labor party caucus taking place with a modicum of the dignity these
demonstrators showed last week!
We can forgive all these oversights. But how did he forget the Archbishop of
Canterbury?
Teheran, it seems, is not the only place in the world where state religion is alive and
well. England, has had it for centuries. At last report, British democracy is in no danger
of succumbing to wild-eyed clerics.
State support for religion need not be anti-democratic. The British support their
Church, but recognize the rights of other religions, and support them too, much as Israel
allocates funds for Christian and Moslem groups.
Israel for the past fifty years has found a way for democracy and Judaism to coexist.
No one is entirely pleased with the balance between them on those relatively rare
occasions when they conflict, but the overwhelming majority of Israelis wish to live in a
state that officially preserves a Jewish character.
So they live with compromise. The religious don't get everything they want; neither do
the secular. The precise balance is determined the way everything else in Israel is -
political clout at the ballot box. That is the way it should be in a democracy.
Contrary to the partisan spin coming from leftist circles, Sunday's demonstration was
not anti-democratic. Nor have the religious tried to grab more power. They have merely
tried to hold on to their allocation in the compromise, the agreement that established the
synergistic relationship of democracy and Judaism when the State was founded fifty years
ago. This compromise worked, perfectly or less, to keep different interests in the country
together. It could always be changed, like anything else in Israeli society, though the
political process. Fair enough. The religious never got quite as much as they would have
liked, and the secular extremists were never fully able to suppress them either.
Until Aharon Barak, that is.
We Americans look to the judicial to interpret the law, and to legislatures to make it.
Aharon Barak, Chief Justice of the Israeli Supreme Court, has found a way to do both at
the same time.
Justice Barak wrote in 1992 that "in my eyes, the world is filled with law. Every
human behavior is subject to a legal norm. Even when a certain type of activity - such as
friendship or subjective thoughts - is ruled by the autonomy of the individual will, the
autonomy exists because it is recognized by law." No American could hope to win a
judicial appointment by arguing that every human activity - including the most personal
and private ones - are subject to the oversight of the law. Big Brother in judicial garb
is still Big Brother.
So why aren't the law faculties of Israeli universities upset? Sunday's demonstration
makes the answer obvious. For while Chief Justice Barak happily churns out new policies
from his bench, a disproportionate part of his activism is aimed at redefining the
Jewishness of the Jewish state to agree more with his devoutly secular tastes. Those who
share those tastes are not getting terribly outraged, when they are achieving what they
couldn't in fifty years of political activity.
While the 1992 Basic Laws recognized Israel's commitment to both Judaism and democracy,
Barak managed to transpose the former neatly into the latter. "The basic values of
Judaism are the values of the state. I mean the values of love of man, the sanctity of
life, social justice, doing what is good and just, protecting human dignity." Barak
lists all the dividends that Judaism contributed to the world, but conveniently robs it of
its soul, the practices that Jews lived and died for. No mention here of Torah, or the
Sabbath, or the kosher laws, or any of the observances that kept Jews focused on their
mission. By Barak's definition, Thomas Jefferson was a model Jew. So is the Pope.
Barak's vitiated Judaism leaves nothing sacred. Try to imagine a Supreme Court in the
western world agreeing to hear a case to ban brit milah - circumcision - as a
barbaric assault on an innocent child. The United States? France? Germany? Russia? Not any
time soon. Yet if nothing traditionally Jewish has an automatic and irrevocable right to
exist in the Jewish State, even this could come to pass. Could - and did! "It is
inconceivable that the only country in the world to prohibit circumcisions should be
Israel," argued Yehuda Shefer of the State Attorney's Office. But the High Court
ignored his call to reject the petition out of hand. The next hearing of case No. 5780/98
is scheduled for the spring.
The inhabitants of the present state are far more traditional in their religious
attitudes than their cousins in the United States, and have traditional views of what a
Jewish state should look like, which is more today's Jerusalem than Monticello. So how
does Barak get away with yanking a traditional Judaism from under their feet?
Simple. In the United States, the President nominates justices of the Supreme Court,
but the Senate must approve these appointments. This assures the inclusion of a variety of
points of view, and careful consideration of the credentials of candidates who will wield
great power over the public. No such process is active in Israel . A committee of nine,
including the President of the Supreme Court, two other justices, two members of the
Knesset, the Minister of Justice and other representatives of the legal community make the
choice.
In other words, it's an inside job. There are no open hearings, nor does the public
have the opportunity to review the record and legal philosophy of the candidates. A
liberal secular elite continues a self-serving tradition of choosing candidates from
within its own ranks, to the consternation of much of the country. The committee was
tolerant and inclusive enough to appoint an Arab justice, but cannot find even a single
Sephardic Justice. (Sephardim, Jews of eastern and North African descent, make up a
majority of Israel's population. Can you imagine an American Supreme Court with no
African-American justice, if blacks would constitute a majority of our population?)
Some objective voices were heard above the din. Former President Chaim Herzog wrote:
"In a democracy, according to Barak, the courts are placed above the government. In
my humble opinion, this approach endangers, in certain cases, the very basis of
democracy." Hebrew University Prof. Ruth Gavison, a director of the Association for
Civil Rights in Israel offered this: "No Supreme Court in the world has taken upon
itself such powers
The judges of the Supreme Court represent a particular segment of
Israeli society: Ashkenazi secular men. It is not clear why the entire Israeli society
must live according to its dictates." And former Supreme Court Justice Tzvi Tal had
this to say about the Court granting recognition to same-sex marriages: "When the
Court must decide between individual civil rights and Jewish values, the former has until
now been given the upper hand. This should not be so in a Jewish state
Judges who
have not been trained in Torah cannot be sufficiently attuned to the central importance of
the Jewish roots."
It turns out, then, that those strangely adorned folks who gathered on Sunday were not
threatening the fabric of Israeli democracy, but actually calling for the addition of a
good deal more cloth to it. Those who rallied in support of Barak were not celebrating
democracy, so much as their new-found way to do an end-run around it.
As far as the coexistence of religion and democracy in Israel, please don't speak to
American reporters.
Ask the Archbishop.