Casey v. Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania
Supreme Court of the United States (1991)
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I
In Typical Cases, Where the Sole Constitutional Source of the
Claimed Abortion Right Is the Personal Liberty/Privacy Interest,
Abortion Should No Longer Be Deemed a "Fundamental" Constitutional
Right
In Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986), the Court had
occasion to consider the factors that go into the making of a right
or liberty that is "fundamental":
"Striving to assure itself and the public that announcing
rights not readily identifiable in the Constitution's text
involves much more than the imposition of the Justices'
own choice of values on the States and the Federal
Government, the Court has sought to identify the nature of
the rights qualifying for heightened judicial protection.
In Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319, 325, 326,
(1937), it was said that this category includes those
fundamental liberties that are 'implicit in the concept of
ordered liberty,' such that 'neither liberty nor justice
would exist if [they] were sacrificed.' A different
description of fundamental liberties appeared in Moore v.
East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494, 503 (1977) (opinion of
Powell, J.), where they are characterized as those liberties
that are 'deeply rooted in this Nation's history and
tradition.' Id., at 503 (POWELL, J.). See also Griswold
v. Connecticut, 381 U.S., at 506."
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Id. at 191-92. Applying these formulations to the asserted right of
homosexuals to engage in acts of consensual sodomy, the Court in Bowers
noted that proscriptions against such acts had strong historical roots, both
from ancient times and in the laws of the various states for most of this
nation's history.
"Against this background, to claim that a right to engage in such conduct
is 'deeply rooted in this Nation's history and tradition' or 'implicit in
the concept of ordered liberty' is, at best, facetious." id. at 194.
The same can be said with respect to most cases of abortion: It is
facetious, at best, to claim that abortions of convenience are deeply
rooted in our history and tradition, or that they are a necessary component
of ordered liberty. We need not dwell on the point, since the Court has
heard it made many times over in the years since Roe, both from
within and without. Suffice it for us to reiterate the persuasive analysis
offered by Justice White, dissenting in Thornburgh v. American College
of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 476 U.S. 747, 793-94 (1986):
"If the woman's liberty to choose an abortion is
fundamental, then, it is not because any of our precedents
(aside from Roe itself) commands or justifies that result,
it can only be because protection for this unique choice is
itself 'implicit in the concept of ordered liberty' or,
perhaps, 'deeply rooted in this Nation's history and
tradition.' It seems clear to me that it is neither. The
Court's opinion in Roe itself convincingly refutes the
notion that the abortion liberty is deeply rooted in the
history or tradition of our people, as does the continuing
and deep division of the people themselves over the
question of abortion. As for the notion that choice in the
matter of abortion is implicit in the concept of ordered
liberty, it seems apparent to me that a free, egalitarian,
and democratic society does not presuppose any particular
rule or set of rules with respect to abortion. And again,
the fact that many men and women of good will and high
commitment to constitutional government place themselves
on both sides of the abortion controversy strengthens my
own conviction that the values animating the Constitution
do not compel recognition of the abortion liberty as
fundamental."
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Indeed, as Professor Laurence H. Tribe (himself an outspoken critic of
the Bowers decision) has noted (Tribe, American Constitutional Law
at 1430 (2d Ed. 1988)), there is a factor present in the abortion context
that renders abortion even less deserving of "fundamental rights"
protection than consensual sodomy: the irrevocable harm done to the
fetus. Whereas consensual acts of sodomy, in theory at least, are performed
with the full knowledge and acquiescence of the parties involved abortion
is not. "The pregnant woman cannot be, isolated in her privacy," observed
the Court in Roe, 410 U.S. at 159, a factor that led Justice White to
argue -- correctly, in our view -- that the abortion decision "must be
recognized as sui generis, different in kind from the others that
the Court has protected under the rubric of personal or family privacy or
autonomy." Thornburgh, supra, 476 U.S. at 792 (White, J.,
dissenting; footnote omitted).
In typical cases, therefore, where a woman's claimed constitutional right
to an abortion is grounded solely in her personal liberty/due process
rights, the analysis in Bowers leads a fortiori to the
conclusion that -- contrary to Roe v. Wade -- the right ought not
be deemed "fundamental." Accordingly, states that seek to restrict or
prohibit abortions in those cases should be permitted to do so on any
rational basis, even in the absence of a compelling state interest.
Applying that analysis to the instant case, the statutes at issue should
be upheld; Pennsylvania surely had a rational basis upon which to enact
these laws -including the law governing spousal notice -- and in a
facial challenge against their validity no more than a rational basis
need be shown.
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